Augustine
and the Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture
By
Seth
Farber
(Excerpt
from Eternal Day, Regina Orthodox Press (800-636-2470),
1998. Used with author’s
permission)
Although
St. Augustine's influence on Latin Christianity was unparalleled for
centuries, the Catholic Church in the 5th century rejected a central
tenet of his theology: predestination to damnation. Instead, they
promised that those who conformed to the Church's rules would be saved.
Nevertheless there was a recrudescence of
Augustinianism in the Catholic Church beginning in the 15th century, and
later more significantly with the Protestant Reformation. Jean Delumeau
writes that "Augustinian pessimism gained both its strongest
coloring and widest audience during the period highlighted by this
study, the years 1400 to 1700 .... It is no exaggeration to assert the
debate over original sin and its diverse by-products—problems of
grace, free will or servitude, and predestination—came to be one of
the prime obsessions of Western civilization, a concern of all people,
from the theologians to the most modest peasants."
Delumeau notes that many of these Augustinians were even more extremely
pessimistic than Augustine himself, for he at least acknowledged some of
the noble traits that human beings still possessed.
Delumeau describes the "collective guilt
complex" stemming from Augustine, which he argues dominated Western
culture between the 13th and 18th centuries: "A terrible God, more
a judge than a father, despite the mercy with which He was almost
accidentally credited; a divine justice connected to vengeance; the
conviction that, despite Redemption, there would remain only a chosen
few, all humanity having deserved hellfire because of Original Sin; the
certainty that each sin is both insult and injury to God; the rejection
of any amusement or concession to human nature, since these remove one
from salvation.”
With the displacement of Christ's optimistic ontology
by Augustine's pessimistic ontology, the original Judeo-Christian
expectation of cosmic redemption, of the divine victory over the forces
of evil, of the eventual realization of the Kingdom of God on earth was
almost entirely obscured.

Luther: the Regenerate Augustinian
Both Luther and Calvin were staunch admirers of
Augustine, believing that his legacy had been besmirched by the Catholic
Church. Their theologies were consequently based on a reassertion of
Augustinian anthropology.
It is well known that Luther's apostasy from Roman
Catholicism and his development of the concept of "justification by
faith" was the denouement of his unsuccessful struggle as an
Augustinian monk to attain to a sense of sinlessness, in which he could
be assured that he had attained the favor of God. Despite all the
austerities Luther imposed upon himself, he was ultimately left with a
sense of his own depravity. From this he deduced that man was inherently
depraved and as a result could do nothing by his own works to earn the
forgiveness of God.
Shortly before Luther's conversion he prayed,
"With what tongue shall I address such Majesty, seeing that all men
ought to tremble in the presence of even an earthly prince? Who am I
that I should lift up mine eyes or raise my hands to the divine Majesty?
... And shall I, a miserable little pygmy, say 'I want this, I ask for
that?' For I am dust and ashes and full of sin.”
Like Augustine, Luther believed that man incurred
,both the guilt for Adam's sin in paradise and the disease of that sin
as it was passed on through the act of procreation. He wrote, "I am
a sinner, not because I have committed adultery nor because I have had
Uriah murdered, but I have committed adultery and murder because I was
born indeed conceived and formed in the womb, as a sinner....So we are
not sinners because we commit this or that sin, but we commit them
because we are sinners first That is, a bad tree and a bad seed also
bring forth bad fruits, and from a bad root only a bad tree can
grow." The image of God that Adam had borne in his soul was
replaced by "'the image of the devil."
This entailed a "corruption of the whole nature and of all the
powers of man ... a corruption which infects the mind, intellect, heart
and will."
(Lutherans after Luther, were reluctant to construe corruption as pervasively
as their teacher had.)
But even worse than the corruption of sin itself is
the wrath of God that it incurred, bringing as it did the curse of God
and the punishment of death. Since God was eternal and omnipotent,
"His fury or wrath toward self-satisfied sinners is also
immeasurable and infinite."
This divine "justice" created "horrible torments of the
heart and fury of conscience."
In these torments or "terrors of the conscience that feels God's
wrath against our sins and looks for forgiveness of sins and deliverance
from sin,”
it was worse than useless to lay claim to merit by doing good deeds in
an attempt to win God's favor.
Luther struggled with Paul's phrase in the Epistle to
the Romans that "the just shall live by His faith." He was
relieved of his torments one day when an epiphany occurred to him:
"Then I grasped that the justice of God is that righteousness by
which through grace and sheer mercy God justifies us through faith.
Thereupon I felt myself to be reborn and to have gone through open
doors, into paradise."
Luther had originally grasped God as a wrathful
judge, but the good news that he now realized was that God had expended
his punitive justice on Christ, that by His death Christ had taken upon
Himself the guilt of man, thereby satisfying God's punitive justice.
This is what Luther means by justification: that human beings’ sins
are forgiven. However, they remain in the bondage of sin. God forgives
sinners and reckons them as "righteous" for Christ's sake.
Thus the righteousness granted to the sinner is not one produced by
himself but an "alien" righteousness belonging to Jesus
Christ. It is a righteousness "outside of" man; it is not a
quality of man's heart.
In order to receive this justification human beings must believe
in Jesus Christ. Although God justifies the individual, he remains
throughout his life a sinner. Therefore Luther described him as
"'righteous and a sinner at the same time [simul justus et
peccator].”
Luther's
position parallels Augustine's: Although man is acquitted of the guilt
for Adam’s crime, he remains a sinner and damnable before God. Luther
does believe that subsequent to justification God works to
"sanctify the believer," so that after death he will be worthy
of entering into communion with Christ.
There were tendencies in Luther's thought that were
not as entirely pessimistic. Thus, although he asserted frequently that
the image of God in man had been completely destroyed,
in several passages he writes of a relic that remains. The relic
consists wholly in man's "natural" abilities, in his
difference from animals, which gives him the power to govern things.
Thus Luther writes that we have "the blunted and as it were dead
relics of their [Adam's and Eve's] knowledge.
The image in the sense of goodness and justice was totally destroyed.
Sin, however, does not destroy human beings' capacity to be grasped by
God's grace; otherwise salvation would be impossible.
Like Augustine, Luther denied that God willed the
salvation of all human beings, and he asserted that he “saved so few
and damned so many.”
Luther's explanation for this is similar to that of Augustine: By not
granting salvation to all, God shows us that His grace can not be taken
for granted. By rejecting so many He shows us that His mercy is a free
act of His will. Luther assures us that we have no rights in relation to
God; on the contrary, He has every right to do what He wants. He owes us
nothing. Like Augustine, Luther conceived God as a majestic sovereign,
to whose arbitrary fiat human beings—at least those who are
predestined to be saved—ought to succumb in fear, in reverence, and in
gratitude.
Luther asserted that original sin had completely
abnegated freedom of the will, which was now entirely in bondage to sin,
and "not free to strive toward whatever is declared good.”
He stated that man "neither does the good nor is capable of it in
the absence of grace."
Luther's opponents accused him of forbidding good works. He responded
that he had only denied both that good works would contribute to man's
salvation, and that they were a product of man's free will. On the other
hand, he did not deny that good works were a product of grace and faith.
Good deeds that are done by those who are not
baptized are not really good at all. Thus, speaking of the Jews, Luther
said, "Men truly sin even when they perform good works apart from
the Holy Spirit."
Thus all of man's moral aspirations and accomplishments, apart from
Christianity, are stigmatized by Luther as corrupt and worthless in the
sight of God. Luther acknowledges that human beings possess "heroic
virtues" and that we can find copious evidence in society of
"civil righteousness." Yet he maintains that this
righteousness is honored only by men and not by God, and that it
constitutes a kind of false front for "the truth in our inward
being" is missing.
This concept is a product of Luther's rendering of
original sin. As long as original sin exists in the human being—as
long as the consequences are not mitigated by grace—even the most
altruistic and noble deeds of human beings are really manifestations of
the crime and the disease of original sin. Luther wrote, "Our
weakness lies not in our works but in our nature; our person, nature,
and entire being are corrupted through Adam’s fall .... There is
simply nothing in us which is not sinful."
Only God can liberate humankind from this condition. (Of course He
restricts this liberation to the elect.)

Jean Delumeau, Sin and Fear; the Emergence of a Western Guilt
Culture, 13th to 18th Century (New York: St.
Martin’s Press, 1990) P. 248.
Cited in William A. Scott, Historical
Protestantism: An Historical Introduction to Protestant Theory (Englewood
Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1970), p. 3.
Luther cited in Jaroslav Pelikan, The
Reformation of the Church and Dogma, 1300-1700, Volume 4
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 142
N.P. Williams, The Idea of the
Fall and of Original Sin, p. 429
Luther, cited in Jarosalv Pelican, The Reformation of the Church and Dogma, 1300-1700, Volume 4,
p. 132.
William A. Scott, Historical Protestantism: An Historical Introduction to Protestant
Theory, p. 7.
Paul Althaus, The Theology of
Martin Luther (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Fortress Press,
1966), p. 288.
Jaroslav Pelikan, The
Reformation of the Church and Dogma, 1300-1700, Volume 4,
p. 154.
David Cairns, The Image of God in Man (London: SCM Press, 1953), p. 24.
See
David Cairns, Image of God in
Man (London: SCM Press, 1953), p. 122
.
136 Paul Althaus, The Theology
of Martin Luther, p. 279.
137 Luther, cited in jaroslav Pelikan, The
Reformation of Church and Dogma, p. 141
Cited in N.R Williams, The
Idea of the Fall and of Original Sin, p. 431.
Cited in Paul Althaus, The
Theology of Martin Luther, p. 144.